31
Ministry of education and science of Ukraine
Immigration in Europe
Country studying
Kyiv 2007
Contents
Chapter 1. General information on immigration
1.1. Immigration
1.2. Global statistics
1.3. Causes
1.4. Supporting arguments
1.5. Opposing arguments
1.6. Political issue
1.7. Ethics
Chapter 2. Immigration in Europe
France
2.2. Germany
2.3. Spain
2.4. United Kingdom
2.5. Greece
Chapter 3. Conclusion
References
Chapter 1. General information on immigration
1.1. Immigration
Immigration is the movement of people into one place from another. While
human migration has existed throughout human history, immigration
implies long-term permanent or forced indefinite residence (and often
eventual citizenship) by the immigrants: tourists and short-term
visitors are not considered immigrants. However, seasonal labor
migration (typically for periods of less than a year) is often treated
as a form of immigration. The global volume of immigration is high in
absolute terms, but low in relative terms. The International Integration
and Refugee Association estimated 190 million international migrants in
2005, about 3 percent of global population. The other 97 percent still
live in the state in which they were born, or its successor state. The
Middle East, some parts of Europe, little areas of South East Asia, and
a few spots in the West Indies have the highest numbers of immigration
population recorded by the UN Census 2005.
The modern idea of immigration is related to the development of
nation-states and nationality law. Citizenship of a nation-state confers
an inalienable right of residence in that state, but residence of
immigrants is subject to conditions set by immigration law. The
nation-state made immigration a political issue: by definition it is the
homeland of a nation defined by shared ethnicity and/or culture. Illegal
immigration refers to immigration across national borders in a way that
violates the immigration laws of the destination country. Under this
definition, an illegal immigrant is a foreigner who either illegally
crossed an international political border, be it by land, sea or air, or
a foreigner who legally entered a country but nevertheless overstay
their visa in order to live and/or work therein.
1.2. Global statistics
The European Union allows free movement between member states. Most are
from former eastern bloc states to the developed western European
states, especially Italy, Spain, Germany and Britain. Noticeably, some
countries seemed to be favored by these new EU member nationals than
others. For example, there are large numbers of Poles who have moved to
the UK, Ireland and Netherlands, while Romanians have chosen Italy and
Spain. While France and Germany put in place controls to curb Eastern
European migration, the UK (along with Ireland) did not impose
restrictions.
Following Poland’s entry into the EU in May 2004 it is estimated that by
the start of 2007 375,000 Poles have registered to work in the UK,
although the total Polish population in the UK is believed hey hoe to be
750,000. Many Poles work in seasonal occupations and a large number is
likely to move back and forth including between Ireland and other EU
Western nations.
According to Eurostat, Some EU member states are currently receiving
large-scale immigration: for instance Spain, where the economy has
created more than half of all the new jobs in the EU over the past five
years. The EU, in 2005, had an overall net gain from international
migration of +1.8 million people. This accounts for almost 85% of
Europe’s total population growth in 2005.
In 2004, total 140,033 people immigrated to France. Of them, 90,250 were
from Africa and 13,710 from Europe. In 2005, immigration fell slightly
to 135,890.
In recent years, immigration has accounted for more than half of
Norway’s population growth. In 2006, Statistics Norway’s (SSB) counted a
record 45,800 immigrants arriving in Norway — 30% higher than 2005. At
the beginning of 2007, there were 415,300 persons in Norway with an
immigrant background (i.e. immigrants, or born of immigrant parents),
comprising 8.3 per cent of the total population.
In 2004 the number of people who became British citizens rose to a
record 140,795 – a rise of 12% on the previous year. This number had
risen dramatically since 2000. The overwhelming majority of new citizens
come from Africa (32%) and Asia (40%), the largest three groups being
people from Pakistan, India and Somalia. In 2005, an estimated 565,000
migrants arrived to live in the UK for at least a year, most of the
migrants were people from Asia, the Indian sub-continent and Africa,
while 380,000 people emigrated from the UK for a year or more, with
Australia, Spain and France most popular destinations.
British emigration towards Southern Europe is of special relevance.
Citizens from the European Union make up a growing proportion of
immigrants in Spain. They mainly come from countries like the UK and
Germany, but the British case is of special interest due to its
magnitude. The British authorities estimate that the real population of
UK citizens living in Spain is much larger than Spanish official figures
suggest, establishing them at about 1.000.000, about 800.000 being
permanent residents. According to the Financial Times, Spain is the most
favoured destination for West Europeans considering to move from their
own country and seek jobs elsewhere in the EU.
Since 2000, Spain has absorbed around 4 million immigrants, adding 10%
to its population. Immigrant population now tops over 4.5 million.
According to residence permit data for 2005, about 500,000 were
Moroccan, another 500,000 were Ecuadorian, more than 200,000 were
Romanian, and 260,000 were Colombian. In 2005 alone, a regularization
programme increased the legal immigrant population by 700,000 people.
1.3. Causes
Theories of immigration traditionally distinguish between push factors
and pull factors. Push factors refer primarily to the motive for
emigration from the country of origin. In the case of economic migration
(usually labor migration), differentials in wage rates are prominent.
Poor individuals from less developed countries can have far higher
standards of living in developed countries than in their originating
countries. Escape from poverty (personal or for relatives staying
behind) is a traditional push factor, the availability of jobs is the
related pull factor. Natural disasters and overpopulation can amplify
poverty-driven migration flows. This kind of migration may be illegal
immigration in the destination country (emigration is also illegal in
some countries, such as North Korea).
Emigration and immigration are sometimes mandatory in a contract of
employment: religious missionaries, and employees of transnational
corporations, international non-governmental organizations and the
diplomatic service can expect to work ‘overseas’. They are often
referred to as ‘expatriates’, and their conditions of employment are
typically equal to or better than those applying in the host country
(for similar work).
For some migrants, education is the primary pull factor (although most
international students are not classified as immigrants, but may choose
to do so if they refuse to return). Retirement migration from rich
countries to lower-cost countries with better climate, is a new type of
international migration. Examples include immigration of retired British
citizens to Spain or Italy and of retired Canadian citizens to the US
(mainly to the state of Florida). Some, although relatively few,
immigrants justify their drive to be in a different country for cultural
or health related reasons and very seldom, again in relative
quantitative terms compared to the actual number of international
migrants world-wide, choose to migrate as a form of self-expression
towards the establishment or to satisfy their need to directly perceive
other cultural environments because economics is almost always the
primary motivator for constant, long-term, or permanent migration, but
especially for that type of inter-regional or inter-continental
migration; that holds true even for people from developed countries.
Non-economic push factors include persecution (religious and otherwise),
frequent abuse, bullying, oppression, ethnic cleansing and even
genocide, and risks to civilians during war. Political motives
traditionally motivate refugee flows – to escape dictatorship for
instance.
Some migration is for personal reasons, based on a relationship (e.g. to
be with family or a partner), such as in family reunification or
transnational marriage. In a few cases, an individual may wish to
emigrate to a new country in a form of transferred patriotism. Evasion
of criminal justice (e.g. avoiding arrest) is a (mostly negative)
personal motivation. This type of emigration and immigration is not
normally legal, if a crime is internationally recognized, although
criminals may disguise their identities or find other loopholes to evade
detection. There have been cases, for example, of those who might be
guilty of war crimes disguising themselves as victims of war or conflict
and then pursuing asylum in a different country.
Barriers to immigration come not only in legal form; natural barriers to
immigration can also be very powerful. Immigrants when leaving their
country also leave everything familiar: their family, friends, support
network, and culture. They also need to liquidate their assets often at
a large cost, and incur the expense of moving. When they arrive in a new
country this is often with many uncertainties including finding work,
where to live, new laws, new cultural norms, language or accent issues,
possible racism and other exclusionary behavior towards them and their
family. These barriers act to limit international migration: scenarios
where populations move en masse to other continents, creating huge
population surges, and their associated strain on infrastructure and
services, ignore these inherent limits on migration.
1.4. Supporting arguments
General arguments
The main arguments cited in support of immigration are economic
arguments, such as a free labor market, and cultural arguments appealing
to the value of cultural diversity. Some groups also support immigration
as a device to boost small population numbers, like in New Zealand and
Canada, or, like in Europe, to reverse demographic aging trends.
Support for fully open borders is limited to a minority. Some
free-market libertarians believe that a free global labor market with no
restrictions on immigration would, in the long run, boost global
prosperity. There are also groups which oppose border controls on
ideological grounds – believing that people from poor countries should
be allowed to enter rich countries, to benefit from their higher
standards of living. Others are advocates of world government and wish
to eliminate or severely limit the power of nation-states. This includes
the nation-state’s ability to grant and deny individuals entry across
borders, which advocates of world government generally view as arbitrary
and unfair distinctions made on what should be one planet earth, thus
eliminating diversity and competition among states.
Economic arguments
Countries like New Zealand, which has experimented with both
qualifications- and job-offer-based entry systems, have reported that
under the latter system (where much weight is put on the immigrant
already having a job offer), the immigrants actually show a much lower
uptake of government benefits than the normal population. Under a mostly
qualification-based system, many highly trained doctors and engineers
had instead been reduced to driving taxis.
1.5. Opposing arguments
The main anti-immigration themes include costs of immigration (potential
free-riding on existing welfare systems), labor competition;
environmental issues (the impact of population growth); national
security (concerns of insular immigrant groups & terrorism against the
host country); lack of coordination & cooperation among citizens
(differences of language, conventions, culture); and the loss of
national identity and culture (including the nature of the nation-state
itself).
Health arguments
Immigration from areas of high incidence is thought to have fueled the
resurgence of tuberculosis (TB), chagas, hepatitis, and leprosy in areas
of low incidence. To reduce the risk of diseases in low-incidence areas,
the main countermeasure has been the screening of immigrants on arrival.
According to CDC, TB cases among foreign-born individuals remain
disproportionately high, at nearly nine times the rate of U.S.-born
persons. In 2003, nearly 26 percent of foreign-born TB patients in the
United States were from Mexico. Another third of the foreign-born cases
were among those from the Philippines, Vietnam, India and China, the CDC
report said.
The history of HIV/AIDS in the United States began in about 1969, when
HIV likely entered the United States through a single infected immigrant
from Haiti.
Economic arguments
Economic needs-driven immigration is opposed by labor-market
protectionists, often arguing from economic nationalism. The core of
their arguments is that a nation’s jobs are the ‘property’ of that
nation, and that allowing foreigners to take them is equivalent to a
loss of that property. They may also criticize immigration of this type
as a form of corporate welfare, where business is indirectly subsidized
by government expenditure to promote the immigration and the
assimilation of the immigrants. A more common criticism is that the
immigrant employees are almost always paid less than a non-immigrant
worker in the same job, and that the immigration depresses wages,
especially as immigrants are usually not unionized. Other groups feel
that the focus should be not on immigration control, but on equal rights
for the immigrants, to avoid their exploitation.
Nationalistic arguments
Non-economic opposition to immigration is closely associated with
nationalism, in Europe a ‘nationalist party’ is almost a synonym for
‘anti-immigration party’.
The primary argument of some nationalist opponents in Europe is that
immigrants simply do not belong in a nation-state which is by definition
intended for another ethnic group. France, therefore, is for the French,
Germany is for the Germans, and so on. Immigration is seen as altering
the ethnic and cultural composition of the national population, and
consequently the national character. From a nationalist perspective,
high-volume immigration potentially distorts or dilutes their national
culture more than is desired or even necessary. Germany, for example,
was indeed intended as a state for Germans: the state’s policy of mass
immigration was not foreseen by the 19th-century nationalist movements.
Immigration has forced Germany and other western European states to
re-examine their national identity: part of the population is not
prepared to redefine it to include immigrants. It is this type of
opposition to immigration which generated support for anti-immigration
parties such as Vlaams Belang in Belgium, the British National Party in
Britain, the Lega Nord in Italy, the Front National in France, and the
Lijst Pim Fortuyn in the Netherlands.
One of the responses of nation-states to mass immigration is to promote
the cultural assimilation of immigrants into the national community, and
their integration into the political, social, and economic structures.
In Europe, where nation-states have a tradition of national unification
by cultural and linguistic policies, variants of these policies have
been proposed to accelerate the assimilation of immigrants. The
introduction of citizenship tests for immigrants is the most visible
form of state-promoted assimilation. The test usually include some form
of language exam, and some countries have reintroduced forms of language
prohibition.
Environmentalist arguments
Most European countries do not have the high population growth of the
United States, and some experience population decline. In such
circumstances, the effect of immigration is to reduce decline, or delay
its onset, rather than substantially increase the population. The
Republic of Ireland is one of the only EU countries comparable to the
United States in this respect, since large-scale immigration contributed
to substantial population growth. Spain has also witnessed a recent
boost in population due to high immigration.
1.6. As political issue
The political debate about immigration is now a feature of most
developed countries. Some countries such as Italy, and especially the
Republic of Ireland and Spain, have shifted within a generation, from
traditional labor emigration, to mass immigration, and this has become a
political issue. Some European countries, such as the United Kingdom and
Germany, have seen major immigration since the 1960’s and immigration
has already been a political issue for decades. Political debates about
immigration typically focus on statistics, the immigration law and
policy, and the implementation of existing restrictions. In some
European countries the debate in the 1990’s was focused on asylum
seekers, but restrictive policies within the European Union have sharply
reduced asylum seekers. In Western Europe the debate focuses on
immigration from the Enlargement of the European Union and new member
states of the EU, especially from Poland.
The politics of immigration have become increasingly associated with
others issues, such as national security, terrorism, and in western
Europe especially, with the presence of Islam as a new major religion.
Some components of conservative movements see an unassimilated,
economically deprived, and generally hostile immigrant population as a
threat to national stability; other elements of conservative movements
welcome immigrant labor. Those with security concerns cite the 2005
civil unrest in France that point to the Jyllands-Posten Muhammad
cartoons controversy as an example of the value conflicts arising from
immigration of Muslims in Western Europe. Because of all these
associations, immigration has become an emotional political issue in
many Western nations.
Chapter 2. Immigration in Europe
2.1. France
As of 2006, the French national institute of statistics INSEE estimated
that 4.9 million foreign-born immigrants live in France (8% of the
country’s population): The number of French citizens with foreign
origins is generally thought to be around 6.7 million according to the
1999 Census conducted by INSEE, which ultimately represents one tenth of
the country’s population. (Ranked by the largest national groups, above
60,000 persons)
Most of the population from immigrant stock is of European descent
(mainly from Greece, Italy, Spain, and Portugal as well as Poland,
Romania, Russia, Ukraine, and the former Yugoslavia) although France has
a sizeable population of Arabs and Africans from its former colonies,
the proportion of immigrants in France is on par with other European
nations such as the United Kingdom (8%), Germany (9%), the Netherlands
(18%), Sweden (13%) and Switzerland (19%). Estimates of each South and
Southeast Asian (i.e. Indians and Vietnamese) and Latin American
(Haitians, Chileans and Argentines) nationalities living in France are
under 50,000 each.
According to Michele Tribalat, researcher at INED, it is very difficult
to estimate the number of French immigrants or born to immigrants,
because of the absence of official statistics. Only three surveys have
been conducted: in 1927, 1942, and 1986 respectively. According to a
2004 study, there were approximatively 14 million persons of foreign
ancestry, defined as either immigrants or people with at least one
parent, grandparent, or great-parent emigree. 5.2 million of these
people were from South-European ascendency (Italy, Spain, Portugal); and
3 million come from the Maghreb (North Africa).
In 2004, a total of 140,033 people immigrated to France. Of them, 90,250
were from Africa and 13,710 from Europe. In 2005, immigration level fell
slightly to 135,890. The European Union allows free movement between the
member states. While the UK (along with Ireland and Sweden ) did not
impose restrictions, France put in place controls to curb Eastern
European migration.
In the 2000s, the net migration rate was estimated to be 0.66 migrants
per 1,000 population a year. This is a very low rate of immigration
compared to other European countries, the USA or Canada. Since the
beginning of the 1990s, France has been attempting to curb immigration,
first with the Pasqua laws, followed by both right-wing and
socialist-issued laws. The immigration rate is currently lower than in
other European countries such as United Kingdom and Spain; however, some
say it is doubtful that the policies in themselves account for such a
change. Again, as in the 1920s and 1930s, France stands in contrast with
the rest of Europe. Back in the 1920s and 1930s, when European countries
had a high fertility rate, France had a low fertility rate and had to
open its doors to immigration to avoid population decline. Today, it is
the rest of Europe that has very low fertility rates, and countries like
Germany or Spain avoid population decline only through immigration. In
France, however, fertility rate is still fairly high for European
standards, in fact the highest in Europe after Ireland, and so most
population growth is due to natural increase, unlike in the other
European countries. This difference in immigration trends is also due to
the fact that the labor market in France is currently less dynamic than
in other countries such as the UK, Ireland or Spain , this may even be a
more relevant factor than low birth rates (because Ireland has both the
highest fertility and the highest net immigration rate in Europe,
whereas Eastern European countries such as Poland or Ukraine have both a
low fertility and a high net emigration rate, as well as a high
unemployment rate).
For example, according to the UK Office for National Statistics, in the
three years between July 2001 and July 2004 the population of the UK
increased by 721,500 inhabitants, of which 242,800 (34%) was due to
natural increase, and 478,500 (66%) to immigration. According to the
INSEE, in the three years between January 2001 and January 2004 the
population of Metropolitan France increased by 1,057,000 inhabitants, of
which 678,000 (64%) was due to natural increase, and 379,500 (36%) to
immigration.
The latest 2006 demographic statistics have been released, and France’s
birth and fertility rates have continued to rise. The fertility rate
increased to 2.00, the highest of the G-7 countries, and for the first
time approaches the fertility rate of the United States.
2.2. Germany
On 1 January 2005, a new Immigration Law came into effect that altered
the legal method of immigration to Germany. The practical changes to the
immigration procedures and limitations were relatively minor.
Traditionally, Germany has not considered itself a country with a need
for large numbers of immigrants and has limited entry accordingly.
Immigrating to Germany as a non EU-citizen has not become easier under
the new law as it continues to limit the recruitment of foreign
employees. This limitation applies most particularly to unskilled or
semi-skilled employees. In order to obtain a work permit one must
demonstrate a justified individual need or public interest in the
employment. Without a concrete job offer one has almost no chance of
getting a residence permit. Different rules apply to refugees, asylum
seekers, EU citizens, family members of German citizens, and close
relatives of individuals already living in Germany.
Thereafter, the prospective employer has to announce this engagement to
the employment centre (Arbeitsagentur). The “Arbeitsagentur” only agrees
to issue a residency permit if there is no German or otherwise
privileged foreign employee available for the employment.
There are exceptions, in particular for highly qualified employees. The
judgement of whether an applicant is highly qualified or not can based
on various factors, including education, the type of job, or a salary
above a certain threshold. The threshold is currently set at 85.500
Self-employed people can get a residence permit, so long as the
government finds that the job would fulfill a superior economic
interest, fulfill a regional need, or have an expected net positive
effect on the economy. Furthermore, the sponsor must guarantee the
financing. Once an immigrant has met those requirement, an individual
inquiry will take place as to whether a German citizen or preferred
immigrant could perform the same job function. As a general rule these
requirements will be assumed if at least ten jobs will be created and 1
million Foreign students can stay for one year after a university degree
in order to find a job matching their qualifications.
2.3. Spain
The population of Spain doubled during the twentieth century, due to the
spectacular demographic boom by the 60’s and early 70’s. Then, the birth
rate plunged by the 80’s and Spain’s population became stalled, its
demographics showing one of the lowest sub replacement fertility rate in
the world, only second to Japan’s. Many demographers have linked Spain’s
very low fertility rate to the country’s lack of any real family
planning policy. Spain is the Western European country that spends least
on family support (0.5% of GDP). A graphic illustration of the enormous
social gulf between Spain and the rest of Europe in this field is the
fact that a Spanish family would need to have 57 children to enjoy the
same financial support as a family with 3 children in Luxembourg.
In emigration/immigration terms, after centuries of net emigration,
Spain, has recently experienced large-scale immigration for the first
time in modern history. According to the Spanish government there were
4,145,000 foreign residents in Spain in January 2007. Of these well over
half a million were Moroccan while the Ecuadorians figure was around
half a million as well. Romanian and Colombian populations amounted to
around 300,000 each. There are also a significant number of British
(274,000 as of 2006) and German (133,588) citizens, mainly in Alicante,
Malaga provinces, Balearic islands and Canary islands. Chinese in Spain
are estimated to number between ten and sixty thousand. Immigrants from
several sub-Saharan African countries have also settled in Spain as
contract workers, although they represent only 4.08% of all the foreign
residents in the country.
During the early 2000s, the mean year-on-year demographic growth set a
new record with its 2003 peak variation of 2.1%, doubling the previous
record reached back in the 1960s when a mean year on year growth of 1%
was experienced. This trend is far from being reversed at the present
moment and, in 2005 alone, the immigrant population of Spain increased
by 700 000 people.
Currently
According to the Spanish government there were 3.7 million foreign
residents in Spain in 2005; independent estimates put the figure at 4.8
million or 15.1% of total population (Red Cross, World Disasters Report
2006). According to residence permit data for 2005, around 500,000 were
Moroccan, another half a million were Ecuadorian, more than 200,000 were
Romanians and 260,000 were Colombian. Other important foreign
communities are British (8.09%), French (8.03%), Argentine (6.10%),
German (5.58%) and Bolivian (2.63%). In 2005, a regularization program
increased the legal immigrant population by 700,000 people. Since 2000
Spain has experienced high population growth as a result of immigration
flows, despite a birth rate that is only half of the replacement level.
This sudden and ongoing inflow of immigrants, particularly those
arriving clandestinely by sea, has caused noticeable social tensions.
Spain currently has the second highest immigration rates within the EU,
just after University Village, and the second highest absolute net
migration in the World (after the USA). This can be explained by a
number of reasons including its geographical position, the porosity of
its borders, the large size of its submerged economy and the strength of
the agricultural and construction sectors which demand more low cost
labour than can be offered by the national workforce. In fact, booming
Spain has been Europe’s largest absorber of migrants for the past six
years, with its immigrant population increasing fourfold as 2.8 million
people have arrived.
Immigrants from the European Union
Immigrants from the European Union make up a growing proportion of
immigrants in Spain. They mainly come from countries like Romania, the
UK and Germany, but the British case is of especial relevance due to its
magnitude. The British authorities estimate that the real population of
UK citizens living in Spain is much bigger than Spanish official figures
suggest, establishing them at about 1.000.000, about 800.000 being
permanent residents.
In fact, according to the Financial Times, Spain is the most favored
destination for West Europeans considering to move from their own
country and seek jobs elsewhere in the EU.
2.4. United Kingdom
Since the formation of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern
Ireland in 1922 there has been substantial immigration from other parts
of the world. In particular, migrants have arrived from Ireland and the
former colonies of the British Empire – such as India, Bangladesh,
Pakistan, the Caribbean, South Africa, Kenya and Hong Kong – under
British nationality law. Others have come as asylum seekers, seeking
protection as refugees under the United Nations 1951 Refugee Convention,
or from European Union (EU) member states, exercising one of the EU’s
Four Freedoms.
The census in 2001 gave some guidance as to the current ethnic groups of
the United Kingdom. About half the population increase between 1991 and
2001 was due to foreign-born immigration. 4.9 million people (8.3
percent of the population at the time) were born abroad, although the
census gives no indication of their immigration status or intended
length of stay.
In 2006, there were 149,035 applications for British citizenship, 32 per
cent fewer than in 2005. The number of people granted citizenship during
2006 was 154,095, 5 per cent fewer than in 2005. The largest groups of
people granted British citizenship were from India, Pakistan, Somalia
and the Philippines. In 2006, 134,430 people were granted settlement in
the UK, a drop of 25 per cent on 2005.
British Empire & the Commonwealth
During this period, the British Empire covered most of the globe, at its
peak over a third of the world’s people lived under British rule. Both
during this time, and following the granting of independence to most
colonies after World War II, the vast majority of immigrants to the UK
were from either current or former colonies, most notably those in the
Caribbean and the Indian subcontinent. These people filled a gap in the
UK labor market for unskilled jobs and many people were specifically
brought to the UK on ships such as the Empire Windrush.
In 1962, the Commonwealth Immigrants Act was passed by the British
government, restricting the freedom of passage into the UK from other
parts of the Commonwealth. By 1972, only holders of work permits, or
people with parents or grandparents born in the UK could gain entry –
effectively stemming primary immigration from Commonwealth countries.
The Ireland Act 1949 has the unusual status of recognizing the Republic
of Ireland, but affirming that its citizens are not citizens of a
foreign country. This was at a time when a republic was not allowed to
be a member of the Commonwealth of Nations.
World War II
In the lead up to the World War II, many Germans, particularly those
belonging to minorities which were persecuted under Nazi rule, such as
Jews, sought to emigrate to the United Kingdom, and it is estimated that
as many as 50,000 may have been successful. There were immigration caps
on the number who could enter and, subsequently, some applicants were
turned away. When the UK was forced to declare war on Germany, however,
migration between the countries ceased.
Post-war immigration (1945-1983)
Until the Commonwealth Immigrants Act 1962, all Commonwealth citizens
could enter and stay in the United Kingdom without any restriction. The
Commonwealth Immigrants Act 1962 made Citizens of the United Kingdom and
Colonies (CUKCs) whose passports were not directly issued by the United
Kingdom Government (i.e. passports issued by the Governor of a colony or
by the Commander of a British protectorate) subject to immigration
control.
Indians began arriving in the UK in large numbers shortly after their
country gained independence in 1947. More than 60,000 arrived before
1955, many of whom drove buses, or worked in foundries or textile
factories. Later arrivals opened corner shops or ran post offices. The
flow of Indian immigrants peaked between 1965 and 1972, boosted in
particular by Idi Amin’s sudden decision to expel all 90,000 Gujarati
Indians from Uganda.
By 1972, only holders of work permits, or people with parents or
grandparents born in the UK could gain entry – effectively stemming
primary immigration from Commonwealth countries.
Following the end of World War II, substantial groups of people from
Soviet-controlled territories settled in Britain, particularly Poles and
Ukrainians. The UK recruited displaced people as so-called European
Volunteer Workers in order to provide labor to industries that were
required in order to aim economic recovery after the war. In the 1951
census, the Polish-born population of the UK numbered some 162,339, up
from 44,642 in 1931.
There was also an influx of refugees from Hungary, following the
crushing of the 1956 Hungarian revolution, numbering 20,990.
Contemporary immigration (1983 onwards)
The British Nationality Act 1981, which was enacted in 1983,
distinguishes between British citizen or British Overseas Territories
citizen. The former hold nationality by descent and the latter hold
nationality other than by descent. Citizens by descent cannot
automatically pass on British nationality to a child born outside the
United Kingdom or its Overseas Territories (though in some situations
the child can be registered as a citizen).
Immigration officers have to be satisfied about a person’s nationality
and identity and entry could be refused if they were not satisfied.
European Union
One of the Four Freedoms of the European Union, of which the United
Kingdom is a member, is the right to the free movement of people.
Since the expansion of the EU on 1 May 2004, the UK has accepted
immigrants from Central and Eastern Europe, Malta and Cyprus, although
the substantial Maltese and Greek- and Turkish-Cypriot communities were
established earlier through their Commonwealth connection. There are
restrictions on the benefits that members of eight of these accession
countries can claim, which are covered by the Worker Registration
Scheme. Most of the other European Union member states have exercised
their right for temporary immigration control (which must end by 2011)
over entrants from these accession states, although some are now
removing these restrictions.
The Home Office publishes quarterly statistics on the number of
applications to the Worker Registration Scheme. Figures published in
August 2007 indicate that 682,940 people applied to the scheme between 1
May 2004 and 31 June 2007, of whom 656,395 were accepted. Self-employed
workers and people who are not working (including students) are not
required to register under the scheme so this figure represents a lower
limit on immigration inflow. These figures do not indicate the number of
immigrants who have since returned home, but 56 per cent of applicants
in the 12 months ending 30 June 2007 reported planning to stay for a
maximum of three months. Figures for total immigration show that there
was a net inflow of 64,000 people from the eight Central and Eastern
European accession states in 2005. An investigation by more4 found that
Poles (who make up the majority of those registered with the WRS)
currently represent a substantial proportion of the population of some
UK cities.
The Government announced that the same rules would not apply to
nationals of Romania and Bulgaria when those countries acceded to the EU
in 2007. Instead, restrictions were put in place to limit migration to
students, the self-employed, highly skilled migrants and food and
agricultural workers. Statistics released by the Home Office indicate
that in the first three months of Romania and Bulgaria’s EU membership,
7,120 people (including family members) from the two countries
successfully registered on the various schemes. Between April and June
2007, a further 9,335 Bulgarian and Romanian nationals had their
applications granted. This includes those registering as self-employed
and self-sufficient. An additional 3,980 were issued cards for the
Seasonal Agricultural Workers Scheme (SAWS).
Managed migration
“Managed migration” is the term used for all legal work permits and
visas and this accounts for a substantial percentage of overall
immigration figures for the UK. Many of the immigrants who arrive under
these schemes bring skills which are in short supply in the UK. This
area of immigration is managed by Work Permits (UK), a department within
the Home Office. Applications are made at UK Embassies or Consulates or
directly to Work Permits (UK), depending upon the type of visa or permit
required.
Employer Sponsored Work Permits allow employers to sponsor an employee’s
entrance into the UK by demonstrating that they possess skills that
cannot be found elsewhere. Immigrants who have education or experience
in occupations which are listed on the Skills Shortage List may apply
for a work permit. This includes engineers, doctors, nurses, actuaries
and teachers. Employers can also obtain work permits for occupations not
on the Skills Shortage List by advertising the position and
demonstrating that no suitable UK resident or EU worker can be found.
Approvals for a work permit are usually based upon the suitability of
the applicant to the role, by education and/or experience.
In addition there is a points-based system called the Highly Skilled
Migrant Program (HSMP) which allows a highly skilled migrant to enter
the UK with the right to work without first having to find an offer of
employment and without an employer needing to sponsor the visa. Points
are awarded for education, work experience, past earnings, achievements
in the field and achievements of the applicant’s partner. There are also
points for being aged under 28 and for doctors currently working in the
UK.
Some people work in the UK under a Working holiday visa which allows 12
months of work within a 24 month period for those aged 17 to 30. UK
Ancestry Entry Clearance allows a person to work in the UK for five
years if they have a grandparent who was born in the United Kingdom,
Channel Islands and Isle of Man at any time; or a grandparent born in
what is now the Republic of Ireland on or before March 31, 1922. After
that they may apply for Indefinite leave to remain.
In April 2006 changes to the current Managed Migration system were
proposed that would primarily create one Points Based Migration system
for the UK. The suggested replacement for HSMP (Tier 1 in the new
system) gives points for age and none for work experience. This points
based system is yet to be finalized and it is thought likely that the
new system will be introduced no earlier than mid-2007.
Refugees and asylum seekers
The UK is a signatory to the United Nations Convention Relating to the
Status of Refugees the intake of refugees, which means that it has a
responsibility under international law are obliged not to return (or
refoule) refugees to the place where they would face persecution.
Nonetheless the issue of immigration has been a controversial political
issue since the late 1990s. Both the ruling Labour Party and the
opposition Conservatives have suggested policies perceived as being
“tough on asylum” (although the Conservatives have dropped a previous
pledge to limit the number of people who could claim asylum in the UK,
which would likely have breached the UN Refugee Convention) and the
tabloid media frequently print headlines about an “immigration crisis”.
This is denounced by those seeking to ensure that the UK upholds it
international obligations as disproportionate. Critics suggest that much
of the opposition to high levels of immigration by refugees is based on
racism. Concern is also raised about the treatment of those held in
detention and the practice of dawn raiding families, and holding young
children in immigration detention centers for long periods of time.
However, critics of the UK’s asylum policy often point out the “safe
third country rule” – the international agreement that asylum seekers
must apply in the first free nation they reach, not go “asylum shopping”
for the nation they prefer. EU courts have upheld this policy. Since the
UK is geographically much further removed from any third world nation
than most other European countries, many assume that asylum seekers in
the UK choose it out of preference rather than absolute necessity.
In February 2003, Prime Minister Tony Blair promised on television to
reduce the number of asylum seekers by half within 7 months, apparently
catching unawares the members of his own government with responsibility
for immigration policy. David Blunkett, the then Home Secretary, called
the promise an objective rather than a target. It was met according to
official figures, despite increase world instability caused by the Iraq
War. There is also a Public Performance Target to remove more asylum
seekers who have been judged not to be refugees under the international
definition than new anticipated unfounded applications. This target was
met early in 2006.
Official figures for numbers of people claiming asylum in the UK were at
a 13 year low by March 2006. Opponents of the government’s policies on
asylum seekers and refugees, such as Migration Watch UK and some
newspapers are critical of the way official figures are calculated.
Human rights organizations such as Amnesty International have argued
that the government’s new policies, particularly those concerning
detention centers, have detrimental effects on asylum applicants and
those facilities have seen a number of hunger strikes and suicides.
Others have argued that recent government policies aimed at reducing
‘bogus’ asylum claims have had detrimental impacts on those genuinely in
need of protection.
Illegal immigration
Illegal (sometimes termed irregular) immigrants in the UK include those
who have:
· entered the UK without authority
· entered with false documents
· overstayed their visas
Although it is difficult to know how many people reside in the UK
illegally, a Home Office study released in March 2005 estimated a
population of between 310,000 and 570,000. Migration Watch UK has
criticised the Home Office figures for not including the UK-born
dependent children of unauthorised migrants. They suggest the Home
Office has underestimated the numbers of unauthorised migrants by
between 15,000 and 85,000. In the past the UK government has stated that
the figures Migration Watch produces should be treated with considerable
caution.
A recent study into irregular immigration states that “most irregular
migrants have committed administrative offences rather than a serious
crime”.
Jack Dromey, Deputy General of the Transport and General Workers Union
and Labour Party treasurer, suggested in May 2006 that there could be
around 500,000 illegal workers. He called for a public debate on whether
an amnesty should be considered. David Blunkett has suggested that this
might be done once the identity card scheme is rolled out. London
Citizens, a coalition of community organisations, is running a
regularisation campaign called Strangers into Citizens, backed by
figures including the leader of the Catholic church in England and
Wales, the Cardinal Cormac Murphy-O’Connor.
Legal advice
Although the guidance notes and numerous online resources are available
to help out people applying for immigration to United Kingdom, one can
also seek legal advice for this matter. The guidelines to the
immigration programs states that immigration advisers should fulfill the
requirements of good practice. An independent public body set up under
the Immigration and Asylum Act 1999 named The Office of the Immigration
Services Commissioner (OISC) maintains and publishes the register of
advisers. Legal advisers for these applications are required to provide
their full details along with the OISC number with each application. A
complete list of OISC immigration advisers can be found on their
website.
2.5. Greece
Greece is largely an ethnically homogeneous state, and throughout the
early period of its modern history it experienced emigration far more
than immigration, particularly throughout the mid 20th century owing to
the Greek Civil War and The Second World War (around 12% of the Greek
population emigrated from 1881-1951). The only previous (prior to 1990)
examples of large scale immigration throughout Modern Greek History were
the population exchanges between Greece and Turkey. Though the 1970s
experienced the arrival of a small number of Polish, African, Egyptian
and South Asian migrants (around 50,000 in total).
Throughout the 1990s, however, there has been a rise in large scale
immigration, a large portion of it illegal, from neighboring Balkan
countries, particularly Albania into Greece. This has become a major
political issue in Greece and all major parties have addressed policies
aiming to deal with it. However, in recent years statistics show that
the relative peace in the Balkans today has led to a decline among
Balkan based immigration to Greece. Other recent immigrant communities
are Pakistanis, Iraqis and immigrants from sub-Saharan Africa.
Reasons for large scale immigration in the 1990s
The reasons for this widespread immigration throughout the 1990s are
widespread, the fall of the Soviet Union, compounded with other Balkan
problems such as the Yugoslav Wars led to widespread political unrest
and political uncertainty not only in the Balkans, but throughout other
former Eastern Bloc countries as well. The demography of the region is
also of particular interest, both Greece and Italy, which have aging
populations, attracted immigration from countries with a younger
workforce, the push factor being the latter’s inability to find jobs in
their home country combined with Greece’s need for cheap labour
(especially in small scale family businesses, which are still
prevalent). Another primary factor in this large scale rise in
immigration is also the narrowing of the gap in terms of living
standards between Northern Europe and Southern Europe, Greece has
become, according to some, an attractive destination to economic
migrants because of steady growth rates and EU member status – the
presence of an informal economy that pays well has also added to this
‘pull’ factor in immigration trends, for example – An Albanian worker in
Albania is paid on average $3 per hour, whereas he or she can earn
anywhere from $6-$10 on average for working an informal sector job
within Greece. Greece’s large coastline and multiple islands mean that
policing the entry of migrants has also become increasingly difficult,
as Greece’s reliance on Tourism has meant that borders have never been
harshly policed (though this has begun to change as with the rest of the
continent).
Chapter 3. Conclusion
Freedom of movement is often recognized as a civil right, the freedom
only applies to movement within national borders: it may be guaranteed
by the constitution or by human rights legislation. Additionally, this
freedom is often limited to citizens and excludes others. No state
currently allows full freedom of movement across its borders, and
international human rights treaties do not confer a general right to
enter another state. According to Article 13 of the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights, citizens may not be forbidden to leave
their country. There is no similar provision regarding entry of
non-citizens. Those who reject this distinction on ethical grounds,
argue that the freedom of movement both within and between countries is
a basic human right, and that the restrictive immigration policies,
typical of nation-states, violate this human right of freedom of
movement. Such arguments are common among anti-state ideologies like
anarchism and libertarianism. Note that a right to freedom of entry
would not, in itself, guarantee immigrants a job, housing, health care,
or citizenship.
Where immigration is permitted, it is typically selective. Ethnic
selection, such as the White Australia policy, has generally
disappeared, but priority is usually given to the educated, skilled, and
wealthy. Less privileged individuals, including the mass of poor people
in low-income countries, cannot avail of these immigration
opportunities. This inequality has also been criticized as conflicting
with the principle of equal opportunities, which apply (at least in
theory) within democratic nation-states. The fact that the door is
closed for the unskilled, while at the same time many developed
countries have a huge demand for unskilled labor, is a major factor in
illegal immigration. The contradictory nature of this policy – which
specifically disadvantages the unskilled immigrants while exploiting
their labor – has also been criticized on ethical grounds.
Immigration polices which selectively grant freedom of movement to
targeted individuals are intended to produce a net economic gain for the
host country. They can also mean net loss for a poor donor country
through the loss of the educated minority – the brain drain. This can
exacerbate the global inequality in standards of living that provided
the motivation for the individual to migrate in the first place. An
example of the ‘competition for skilled labor’ is active recruitment of
health workers by First World countries, from the Third World.
References
1. Immigration to Greece during the 1990s: An Overview, Maria Siadama;
2.
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